Prior to the announcement, YoungTrigg discussed the article with other Wikipedia editors, many of whom praised his work. YoungTrigg was listed as "retired" from Wikipedia as of August 31, Note: Please contact us if the personal information below requires an update. Palin eloped with her high-school boyfriend, Todd Palin, on August 29, , when she was 24 years old. The family lives in Wasilla. The couple have five children: sons Track born and Trig born , and daughters Bristol born , Willow born , and Piper born Army on September 11, , subsequently joining an infantry brigade.
Palin is a self-described "hockey mom" and mother of five. Among her hobbies are hunting, ice fishing and riding snowmobiles; she has also run a marathon, and owns a floatplane. Palin is one of America's most popular leaders, whose powerful love of country and passion for the great outdoors is inspiring to millions and millions of people," said Gavin Harvey, CEO of the Sportsman Channel. Palin was originally baptized as a Roman Catholic, but her parents switched to the Wasilla Assembly of God, a Pentecostal church, where she was rebaptized and attended under pastor Ed Kalnins until In June , Palin spoke at her former church.
On the topic of Iraq, she asked that people pray for the soldiers and that "there is a plan and that plan is God's plan. On August 17, , Palin was attending church services when David Brickner, executive director of Jews for Jesus, suggested in a sermon that terrorism against Israel is due to Judaism not recognizing Jesus Christ as the Messiah.
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Michael Chertoff. Larry Pressler. The Hill. George P. Donald Trump. Michael Bloomberg. Jesse Ventura. Gary Johnson. William G. Detroit Free Press. Meg Whitman. Al Gore. Jeff DeWit. The Arizona Republic. Joe Biden. Barack Obama. Newt Gingrich. CBS News. For the next 25 years, oil interests ruled the state almost uninterruptedly. Little known and heavily outspent, she beat expectations, losing only narrowly and showing an exceptional ability to win fervent support. Afterward, she campaigned for Frank Murkowski, the four-term Alaska senator come home to run for governor.
Palin traveled the state speaking about Murkowski, and making herself better known. When he won, she was short-listed to serve the remainder of his Senate term, and even interviewed for the job. But it went to his daughter Lisa instead. Palin acidly recounts the patronizing interview with the new governor in her memoir, Going Rogue. Palin got the low-profile chairmanship of the Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission, a regulatory body charged with ensuring that these resources are developed in the public interest.
The industry controlled the state, and especially the Republican Party. Other than a modest adjustment to oil taxes that squeezed through in after the Exxon Valdez oil spill, the hammerlock held. Alaskans were coming to regard this situation with suspicion and anxiety.
For this reason, building a gas pipeline has long been a political priority, and one the oil companies have balked at. From her spot on the oil-and-gas commission, Palin touched off a storm over these anxieties.
One glaring example of the unhealthy commingling of oil interests and Republican politics was her fellow commissioner and Murkowski appointee, Randy Ruedrich, who was also chairman of the state Republican Party. Less than a year into the job, Ruedrich got crosswise with Palin for conducting party business from his office and, it was later revealed, giving information to a company that the commission oversaw.
So Palin laid out her concerns in a letter to the governor and the story leaked to the media. In the ensuing uproar, Palin became a hero and Murkowski was left no choice but to fire Ruedrich from the commission.
Palin got strong support from an unlikely quarter: Democrats. It looked like real moral courage. Murkowski and Ruedrich still ran the party. Breaking with them made her no longer viable as an ordinary Republican or a recipient of oil-company largesse. To continue her rise, she needed to find another path.
Palin alone imagined that she could. In this and other ways, she displayed all the traits that would become famous: the intense personalization of politics, the hyper-aggressive score-settling—and the dramatic public gesture, which came next. Palin was clearly the victor Ruedrich paid the largest civil fine in state history , but she quit the commission anyway.
In Going Rogue , she says only that as a commissioner, she was subject to a gag order that Murkowski refused to lift. What it did was thrust her back into the spotlight and reinforce her public image.
It also gave her a rationale to challenge Murkowski. Murkowski made up his mind to strike a deal with the major oil producers to finally build a gas pipeline from the North Slope. He cut out the legislature and insisted on negotiating through his own team of experts, out of public sight. It was a breathtaking giveaway that ceded control of the pipeline to the oil companies and retained only a small stake for Alaskans; established a year regime of low taxes impossible to revoke; indemnified companies against any damages from accidents; and exempted everything from open-records laws.
In exchange, the state got an increase in the oil-production tax. In the end, the legislature rejected the gas-line deal. But, in a twist, it agreed to the oil tax—which had been intended as an inducement to pass the rest of the package. Palin came out hard on the other side of the philosophical divide from Murkowski—and made it personal.
She announced she would challenge him for governor. And she declared her intention to hire Tom Irwin to negotiate the deal. She knows how to pick her way down the political route that she feels will be the most beneficial to what she wants to do. Just after he signed the new Petroleum Profits Tax, the FBI raided the offices of six legislators, in what became the biggest corruption scandal in state history.
During the legislative session, the FBI had hidden a video camera at the Baranof Hotel, in Juneau, in a suite that belonged to Bill Allen, a major power broker and the chief executive of Veco Corporation, an oil-services firm.
Several were later sent to prison. In the Republican primary, Palin crushed Murkowski, delivering one of the worst defeats ever suffered by an incumbent governor anywhere. She went on to have little trouble dispatching Knowles, an oil-friendly Democrat. Maybe some others. But the five-letter word that people in Alaska associated with her name was clean. P alin has gained a reputation for being erratic, undisciplined, not up to the job.
She began by confronting the two biggest issues in Alaska—the gas pipeline and the oil tax—and drove the policy process on both of them. After taking office in December , she kept her word and hired Tom Irwin, and other members of the Magnificent Seven. They devised a plan to attract someone other than the oil companies to build the pipeline, and they bid out the license to move ahead with it—to the deep displeasure of the oil producers, who vowed not to participate.
Palin came under serious political pressure. That spring, the Alaska Gasline Inducement Act sailed to passage, helped along by criminal indictments in the Veco scandal, which were handed down just as the bill came up. Still, Palin was the deciding factor. A new pipeline plan had seemed unlikely when she took over, but she kept the legislature focused on the task.
She kept herself focused, too: though priding herself on her well-advertised social conservatism, she was prepared to set it aside when necessary. Rather than pick big fights about social issues, she declined to take up two abortion-restriction measures that she favored, and vetoed a bill banning benefits for same-sex partners of state workers.
And she has a big role in the current administration so she might be more relevant than Sarah Palin. She is also a student at Campbell University in North Carolina. The Republican vice presidential candidate, who has been capitalizing on her brand for years following the failed White House bid, seems to have largely disappeared from the political scene. When it was running, it was spending more on operating than political donations. Michael Beckel, a reporter with Center for Public Integrity, went through the data and found that Sarah PAC spent about 10 times as much on consultants in and as it did on donations to other politicians.
Palin had been an enthusiastic supporter of Trump during his presidential campaign, but she appeared on the trail on his behalf just a handful of times. The job ultimately went to David Shulkin , who had been the undersecretary for health in the Obama administration. Her Twitter feed also almost entirely links back to the site.
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